The nature of the mind and its relationship
to the body have long been objects of intense investigation by philosophers.
With the rise of modern science, questions that were once the concern
of philosophers exclusively have become amenable to empirical investigation
and, most recently, to investigation through the methods of cognitive
neuroscience. As the concerns of philosophy and "hard science" continue
to merge, investigators from both traditions are increasingly in a
position to contribute to each others' projects. Two examples of such
interdisciplinary work undertaken by philosophers at the CSBMB are
described below.
Phenomenology and the Science of Perception
There is a long tradition of philosophical attempts
to think about the nature of perception. In the second half of the
20th century these attempts have been motivated by at least three
kinds of observations. In the first place, perceptual experiences
are often understood to be intentional they are of, about, or directed
towards objects, events, or states of affairs in the world. In the
second place, perceptual experiences seem to be connected with certain
kinds of thoughts. A particularly salient class of these thoughts
are the perceptual demonstrative thoughts thoughts like "that cup",
for instance, said in the perceptual presence of a cup. But finally,
there is significant phenomenological evidence to suggest that the
content of the experience isnıt reducible to the content of the thought
had on the basis of it. Seeing the cup seems, in some sense, to be
a "richer" kind of thing than having a thought about it. A project
being undertaken by Sean
Kelly attempts to bring together all these observations and, in
the light of further empirical data, form a story about the content
of certain kinds of perceptual experiences and the thoughts they make
possible.
The project is motivated by some startling results from recent brain
research. These results involve a patient with severe brain damage
who suffers from a failure to recognize visual shapes. This condition
is called "visual form agnosia". Interestingly, despite her inability
to recognize the shape of objects, this patient, D. F., has no apparent
difficulty performing visually guided actions that require the processing
of those very visual shapes. In other words, although she cannot recognize
the shape of objects presented to her, she has no problem acting differentially
with respect to them. To account for this, the neuroscientists A.
David Milner and Melvyn Goodale have hypothesized a perceptual mechanism
that is "geared to action, in contrast to judgmental 'seeing'". In
particular, they believe that one of the two major streams of visual
processing in the cerebral cortex, the so-called dorsal visuo-cortical
stream, is primarily responsible for the visual guidance of actions.
If correct, Milner and Goodale's hypothesis would overthrow the standard
interpretation of the relative roles of the two major streams of visual
information processing. On the standard interpretation, the so-called
ventral stream provides conceptual information about "what" the perceived
object is (its size, shape, color, etc.), while the dorsal stream
provides information about "where" the perceived object is (perhaps
in a body-centered space). According to Milner and Goodale, however,
these streams should be understood as providing "what" and "how" information.
On this hypothesis, the dorsal stream doesnıt just tell us where a
perceived object is, it tells us how to act bodily with respect to
it. This information must be encoded in a language of potential bodily
actions, instead of in a language of locative concepts or thoughts.
This general idea is pre-figured in the phenomenological work of Maurice
Merleau-Ponty and is in sympathy with the psychological account of
perception developed by J. J. Gibson.
Such an empirical result, if correct, would have important implications
for philosophical accounts of perception and perceptual demonstrative
thought as well. In particular, one influential philosophical account
of the content of perceptual experience, developed by Gareth Evans,
is also based on the (now apparently erroneous) idea that in perceiving
an object we receive information about where that object is located
(relative to us). Evans uses this idea to develop an account of the
relationship between perceptual content and the content of perceptually
based demonstrative thoughts. In order to have a perceptually based
demonstrative thought about an object, Evans argues, it is sufficient
to know its objective location. On the assumption that perceiving
an object tells us its location relative to us, the perceptual act
provides at least some of the information necessary to form a demonstrative
thought about the object being perceived. To get the rest, Evans posits
some "general cognitive capacities" which allow us to infer the objective
location of an object from its location relative to us. He thus claims
to show how perception makes possible demonstrative thought.
If Milner and Goodale are right in arguing that the dorsal stream
provides us with "how" instead of "where" information, however, then
Evansıs account of perceptual content is wrong: it is based on the
erroneous idea that perceptual content is merely locative. This error
carries over to his account of the relation between perceptual and
demonstrative content as well. Kelly proposes, therefore, to re-think
Evansıs approach to these problems by focussing on the following questions:
1. In virtue of what kind of information
about an object does a visually guided action identify it?
2. In what ways is this information specific to the bodily
capacities of the perceiver?
3. How does this information differ from the information
we need to have about an object in order to have a demonstrative
thought about it?
4. Indeed, what kind of information do we need to have about
an object in order to refer to it demonstratively? Is objective
location necessary? Is it sufficient?
5. And finally, what would need to be done to visually guided
action information in order to transform it into the information
we use in demonstrative reference, and what general cognitive
capacities do we have by means of which we could effect
such a transformation?
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Emotion and Cognition in Moral Judgment: An fMRI Investigation
Consider the following moral dilemma. A trolley
is heading down a set of tracks toward five people who will be killed
if it proceeds on its present course. You can save these five people
by diverting the trolley onto a different set of tracks, one that
has only one person on it, but if you do this that person will be
killed. Is it morally permissible to turn the trolley and thus prevent
five deaths at the cost of one? Most people say yes. Now consider
a slightly different dilemma. Once again, a trolley is heading down
a set of tracks toward five people. You are on a footbridge over the
tracks next to a large man. The only way you can save these five people
is to push this man off the bridge and into the path of the trolley.
Is that morally permissible? Most people say no.
These two cases create a puzzle for moral philosophers (at least for
those who take moral intuitions at face value): What makes it okay
to sacrifice one for the sake of five in the first case but not in
the second case? But there is also a psychological puzzle here: How
does everyone know (or "know") that it's okay to turn the trolley
but not okay to push the man off the bridge? One hypothesis is that
we have an implicit understanding of a complex set of shared moral
principles from which we deduce our answers. According to this theory
our responses are, in both cases, the results of "cool" reasoning.
A different hypothesis appeals to common emotional response rather
than shared principles. The thought of pushing someone to his death
with one's bare hands is, we'll suppose, more emotionally salient
than the thought of hitting a switch that will have similar consequences.
Somehow, the action described in the second case sets off an emotional
"moral alarm" in each of us. According to this theory, our shared
dispositions to respond emotionally to some things and not others
explains the consistency found in people's reactions to these two
cases.
"Cool" reasoning and emotional response are associated with different
parts of the brain. While our understanding of these psychological
functions and their neural substrates is far from complete, we are
in a position to use the above theories to generate predictions about
the brain's activity and to test these predictions using fMRI (functional
Magnetic Resonance Imaging). Such a study is being carried out by
Joshua Greene (Graduate Student, Dept. of Philosophy) under the supervision
of Jonathan Cohen (Director, CSBMB; Professor of Psychology) and with
the help of Brian Sommerville (Research Assistant, CSBMB) and John
Darley (Professor of Psychology). |